It aims for a structural transformation of the Senegalese economy by 2035, and is formed around several high-profile projects including in the agriculture, energy and infrastructure sectors (République du Sénégal 2014). Excluding individuals who had not had contact with the service in the previous 12 months, 21.1% reported having paid a bribe, or given a gift, to avoid a problem with the police. Diouf subsequently won three elections in 1983, 1988 and 1993. A distinction can be drawn between the Wade government (2000–2012), when these cases became more frequent and blazon, and the current Sall government under which the number of scandals has notably diminished (The Atlantic2013).The case of Karim Wade, son of the former president, is the highest profile of the corruption scandals which took place under the Wade government. The biggest improvement in Senegal’s score came between 2012, when it scored 36, and 2013, when this rose to 41. There are varying opinions on whether this was due to the concerns around the trial process or if there was an underlying political motivation. While his time in government was also affected by allegations of electoral fraud and growing autocracy, Diouf supported Senegal’s democratic process by conceding defeat in the 2000 election to his long-term political rival, Abdoulaye Wade (BTI 2018).  As the leader of the Parti Démocratique Sénégalais (PDS) Wade was the first Senegalese leader (2000–2012) from outside the PS. These will be key to continuing to build greater control of corruption and limiting its harmful effects on the country’s development.gains on the CPI since 2012. The aforementioned organisation of the 2008 Islamic Conference is the best example of these practices. It has nevertheless been the CREI, a special court for economic crimes, which had been largely dormant since 1981, which has attracted most attention due its handling of the Karim Wade case. To date, Karim Wade has not paid the fine imposed on him by the CREI (Le Monde 2016).In addition, President Sall’s decision not to renew the mandate of Nafi Ngom Keïta as the head of OFNAC in 2016 has been seen as controversial. All of these parties have firmly denied any allegations of impropriety, but the connections have created some public distrust around management of the sector and the potential wealth to be gained.Fisheries is a critical sector supporting livelihoods in Senegal. The institution has operational autonomy, although some government expenditure, such as the management of special credit lines, can fall out of its oversight due to secrecy around spending (Africa Integrity 2018). State agencies’ non-compliance with the code remains common, and some aspects of the regulation, in particular the possibility of awarding contracts through direct negotiation in certain circumstances rather than through public tender, can be open to abuse. However, this should principally be seen as an outcome of long-term processes of improved governance over the immediate consequence of actions taken by specific political administrations.The conditions which distinguish Senegal from many of its peers in sub-Saharan Africa, and which have provided the enabling environment for higher control of corruption, are the long-term respect for the rule of law and history of competitive democratic governments. Or, they can find a way to leave Senegal, and send remittances to their familiy back home. Sall was elected president in 2012 (BTI 2018).  President Sall had served as prime minister under Wade (2004–2007) before the two became estranged in 2007.


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